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室内设计师郄文杰:“设计师就是‘家’的讲述者”

2019-05-21 17:18 来源:中国经济网陕西

  室内设计师郄文杰:“设计师就是‘家’的讲述者”

  韦德体育app强化督导考核。终点的公平是主客观因素综合构成的,任何人都不能保证终点的公平。

在中队官兵的带领下,小萌娃还参观了中队的消防车和消防器材,在参观过程中,中队官兵结合小萌娃们年纪小、好奇心强的特点,用通俗易懂的语言和形象生动的肢体动作讲解了常用消防器材的用途和使用方法,还现场表演了消防器材操作和原地着装等精彩的互动节目。湿地资源是指湿地及依附湿地栖息、繁衍、生存的生物资源。

  习总书记指出,城市工作在党和国家工作全局中举足轻重,城市发展带动了整个经济社会发展,城市建设成为现代化建设的重要引擎。此次专项行动的整治重点是严格落实“八个严禁”要求:一是严禁设置集经营、储存、住宿于一体的“三合一”“多合一”场所。

  会上,市城研中心研究二处(杭州学研究处)负责人围绕“提高认识、具体举措、保障机制”等方面,结合处室打造《杭州全书》编纂出版建设汇报了市城研中心2018年《杭州全书》编纂出版工作情况,并就《杭州全书》编纂出版中解决“选题难、作者难、规划难、经费难”四难问题,要求市城研中心和与杭州学分支学科研究院要上下联动、统分结合,重点做好“加快推进5+X通史编纂和专题史研究,策划开展老字号、名人系列主题类系列丛书,积极推进《杭州全书》纳入到省市社科项目”等三项工作。第二,土地混合使用。

随后,全体师生在操场集中,大队宣传人员就逃生疏散情况进行点评讲解,对科学火场逃生方法进行强调;宣传人员还向全体师生详细介绍了学校宿舍教室火灾预防、初期火灾扑救、家庭“四小件”使用方法等消防知识;同时在主席台详细讲解灭火器实际操作方法。

  本论丛以弘扬西湖文化、传承历史文脉为己任,旨在深入挖掘、揭示西湖丰厚的自然、历史与人文内涵,不断提升西湖学研究的学术水平,营造研究西湖学的良好学术氛围,扩大西湖学研究的影响力。

  通过此次对孩子们的消防安全知识教育,使师生们零距离体验消防知识盛宴,提高了老师和孩子们的消防安全意识。“消防叔叔,我家着火了怎么办?”小朋友们一个个睁大眼睛认真听着大队宣传人员的讲解,并纷纷向宣传人员询问各类消防问题,现场气氛十分热烈,随后还进行了疏散演练。

  可以看出西安智慧城市的政策利好非常明显,是西安指挥城市建设的重要政策保障。

  1.达到规模经济。西安市智慧停车平台建设实施方案日前也已出台,将建立面向全市服务的西安智慧停车公共服务平台,实现全市停车场的资源管理和优化。

  在宣传人员的组织下,全体师生围成圈,在大队宣传人员的讲解指导下,师生代表们对着点好的火堆开展灭火器实际操作演练,巩固学习成果。

  韦德体育app一、历史文化名城是杭州、开封的最大特色杭州和开封同为国务院公布的第一批中国历史文化名城。

  其表现为:南北交融的语言。火情假设:小区六楼一家庭发生火灾,社区消防控制室检测到火情后立即通过对讲机将火情传达至正在巡查的微型站消防员,接到警情后消防员迅速赶到着火楼层,并第一时间组织群众疏散逃生,“弯下腰,捂住口鼻,沿楼梯有序撤离”,在微型站消防员的指引下,居民手捂湿毛巾,井然有序的、迅速的撤离到安全的避难场所。

  韦德体育app 韦德体育app 韦德体育app

  室内设计师郄文杰:“设计师就是‘家’的讲述者”

 
责编:

First of May in France: electoral turmoil

韦德体育app   沙雅县托依堡勒迪镇专职消防队配备了15名专兼职消防员,一台改装水罐消防车及其它常规消防器材,将主要担负托依堡勒迪镇辖区日常的火灾扑救、抢险救援、社会救助和消防宣传等任务。


来源:凤凰国际智库

Cristina Font Haro  The author is a foreign policy analyst of Phoenix Global Affairs Unit

Clashes at a demonstration on 1st May in Paris

The celebration of May 1 in France has been agitated by the presidential elections scheduled for May 7. On one hand, French trade unions celebrated on May 1st divided on how to cope with the rise of Le Pen, since while the "reformists" explicitly called for Macron, the more leftists do not want to be associated with a socio-liberal program that has been criticized. On the other hand, the forces of the order faced groups of hooded people during the marches programmed for the day of the workers.

The General Confederation of Labour and Labour Force, even though expressing their rejection of Le Pen, have refused to solicit support for Macron, along with the lines of the radical left-wing candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Their demonstration paraded between the Plaza of the Republic and the Plaza of the Nation in Paris. Mélenchon participated in the march as well. In totally, they gathered several tens of thousands of people across the country, whereas the French Confederation of Workers (CFDT, the country's first trade union) and the National Union of Autonomous Trade Union organized an event in the Plaza of Stalingrad, which was attended by several hundred people.  

Before the parades started in the Plaza of the Republic, activists from the Avaaz organization ( a global civil organization founded in January 2007) covered their faces with masks combining characters from the face of Marine Le Pen and her father, the founder of the National Front, Jean-Marie Le Pen. Their double aim was to show the direct link between both politicians, despite the fact that the extreme right-wing candidate has attempted to distance herself from her father, on the other hand, they seek Macron's vote as well.  Avaaz campaign manager, Aloys Ligault, insisted that "Marine Le Pen shares more than a surname with her father. Marine Le Pen conceals behind her smile the poison of an ideology of hate. For the Le Pen politicians, it is a family business to spread the division among the citizens. Hence, they only way to stop them is to vote on Sunday for Macron".

Moreover, François Baroin, the man who is expected to lead France's Republican Party during the parliamentary elections campaign (June 11th and 18th) said that he was ready to be a prime minister of cohabitation with presidential candidate Emmanuel Macron. Also, Socialist Party member Segolene Royal called on former presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon to ask his voters to support Macron in the May 7 runoff vote.

French society divided by political demands

The events of the past Monday only proved what it is commonly known, the results of the first electoral round on April 23, 2017, increased the instability in the already convulsed society, because they are in the midst of political change. After years of economic decline and shaken by a spate of terrorist attacks at home and elsewhere in Europe, many French voters are disenchanted with traditional political parties, dubious of the country's economic prospects, and uncertain of its role in Europe and the world.

Thereby, this election is important because it means a change in their political pillars, though where does this change come from? The French system was established after the outcome of the Second World War by President Charles de Gaulle. Its national strategy was built on three columns. The first was to develop a strong alliance with Germany, securing peace on the Continent. In fact, due to France and Germany have been two of the main protagonists in opposites blocks of the First and the Second World War in the European scenario, it was the maximum imperative so that the war did not strike Europe again. At that time, Germany was occupied and divided by the winner partners of the war (the United States, the USSR, United Kingdom and France), the United Kingdom was exhausted by its war efforts and the United States were injecting money to Europe through the Marshall Plan seeking its war reconstruction and adhesion to the capitalist bloc.  In this context, the European community was born.

France's second priority was to protect the independence of its foreign policy.  As the political realities of the Cold War congealed, President Charles de Gaulle wanted to secure the most leeway possible for Paris. Following the premise, France sought to forge its own relationship with Russia, build its own nuclear arsenal, and protect its interests in the Arab world and its former colonies.

Finally, France aimed to build a strong republic with a solid central power. For almost a century, fragile coalitions, weak executive power, and short-lived governments characterized the French parliamentary system. In 1958, as decolonization in Africa and Asia strained the French political system, de Gaulle pushed for reform, introducing a semi-presidential system in which strong presidents were elected for seven -year terms (the term was eventually reduced to the actual five years).  The resulting structure featured a two-round voting system whose main goals were to ensure that the president had robust democratic legitimacy and to prevent fringe political parties from attaining power.

Both political structure and main pillars shaped the French political arena till nowadays. However, due to different economic and politic reasons, it seems that it has come to an end. For over the past two decades, the French economy has been weakening. Average gross domestic product growth fell from 2.2 percent for the 1995-2004 period to just 0.7 percent for the 2005-2014 period, and unemployment has been above the EU average most years in the past decade. Even though the French bureaucratic machine still provides a quarter of all jobs, it could not stop the increase of unemployment. Besides that, their employment cost also increased as well as the taxes and public debt levels.

On the international context, France relation with Germany changed its bases too. Nowadays, instead of Paris being worried about the internal German division, France is worried about its own role in the EU and the German counterpart. Even if both countries are the core of the institution, without them it could easily fall into pieces; Germany is above France in political power, as the Eurozone crisis has made clear. On the other hand, their dissatisfaction with the functioning of the institution has let two different visions of how to solve the problem.

The malfunction of the labor market and the anguish of its international role led a growing number of people not to be satisfied with their situation and lose their faith in the republic's leader. In fact, French political cycles are becoming shorter. Socialist President François Mitterrand enjoyed two terms in office from 1981 to 1995, as did his conservative successor, Jacques Chirac, from 1995-2007. By contrast, center-right leader Nicolas Sarkozy served only one term from 2007 to 2012 as well as his counterpart center-left President, François Hollande. On the other hand, citizens both right-wing and left-wing ideologies believe that the globalization is the cause of the French detriment. That is how all these elements of dissatisfaction mixed up with the French electoral system gave, as a result, the appearance of outsiders such as Macron or Le Pen in this presidential election.

As well as the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada or Australia, France is a democracy with majority system, which favors the hegemony of two main parties in parliament and the control of the government by a single party; the Socialist Party and the Republican Party. The defenders of this system state that it helps to the governability of the State to the detriment of pluralism. On the other hand, the retractors emphasize that it is governed according to the will of the majority of the representatives and not of the electors, reason why it makes them the government of a minority. In the last instance, this could cause that the political options do not correspond in its totality with the social demands, which are either neglected or ignored.

Moreover, this majority system induces a strategic vote of the voters as well as it can generate apathy from social strata that do not find a suitable party to offer their support. Indeed, the double-round electoral system can manifest the second or subsequent preferences of voters. While in the first round, they can express freely their first political preference, in the runoff, voters transfer their vote to another party, because in this new context their preferences already changed. Knowing what has happened in the first round and having knowledge of collective behavior, it is probable that in the runoff the voter makes a strategic vote. In case their first option party has not passed to the second round, then most probably their vote will benefit the less bad option. In other words, voters try to have their ideological opponent not elected. That is why, on Monday some of the French labor unions were seeking the vote for Macron after Jean-Luc Melechon did not pass the first round.

After May 7, how could it look like the future of France?

Centrist Emmanuel Macron and populist Marine Le Pen have qualified for the runoff vote on May 7. They defeated the other two possible candidates, the conservative François Fillon and left-wing Jean-Luc Mélenchon in one of the most implausible presidential elections in modern French history. In case they become elected, both Macron and Le Pen already have in mind how the French future would look like. While Le Pen has promised a policy of “intelligent protectionism”, taxing certain foreign imports to shield domestic industries from competition, to close France’s borders, reduce immigration, return to the franc (French currency before the establishment of the common European currency) and hold a referendum on France’s membership in the EU. On the contrary, Macron’s promises move in the opposite direction. He promised to cut public spending by some 60 billion euros and invest around 50 billion euros in policies to modernize the French economy as well as to reform France’s labor legislation and further deregulate certain sectors of the French economy.

Nevertheless, we should not forget that France has a semi-presidential system, that is the executive power is shared by the President and the First Minister, who will be elected by the parliament (National Assembly) on June 11 and 18 of this year. Hence, the President will need the support from the National Assembly to make good on electoral promises, especially for those that seek the end of their membership in the EU. In fact, for holding such a referendum, the French constitution have to be reformed beforehand. Thereby, …

[责任编辑:陈立彬 PN139]

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